Book Review, September 2008
The Sherpas of Nepal: Buddhist Highlanders
By Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf
John Murray (1964)
ISBN 0719514649
The Sherpas of Nepal: Buddhist Highlanders
By Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf
John Murray (1964)
ISBN 0719514649
The publication of The Sherpas of Nepal was a landmark in anthropological study. The years Furer-Haimendorf spent in the Himalayan foothills (1953-1962) gave him a unique and historic opportunity to combine the first major study of the Sherpa people with relatively modern techniques and social theory. Before 1950, foreigners were effectively barred from Nepal and Furer-Haimendorf was the first serious academic to explore Sherpa culture after the gates had opened. With the dramatic changes to Nepal’s socio-economic and political life since then, driven by the influx of foreign capital and Western influence, certain aspects of the book (such as the chapter on village economy) are inevitably a historical snapshot, but the author’s observations of the fundamental cultural and social attitudes and beliefs of the Sherpas are widely regarded as having withstood the test of time.
The Sherpas are not an easily identifiable group to foreigners, evidenced by the historic use of the term (sometimes capitalised) in a generic sense to refer to Nepalese mountain guides and porters. This usage is confusing, both because mountaineering is not and has never been a defining feature of the Sherpa people and because in recent years guides on Everest and surrounding peaks have increasingly been comprised of non-Sherpas (often Tamang, Gurung, Chettri or Magar). In terms of identifying the Sherpa people, Furer-Haimendorf notes that the Sherpas are “largely indistinguishable on clear ethnic lines” from the Tibetan-speaking people of Eastern Nepal and the Bhotias (the Tibetan-Nepalese people of the Kathmandu valley and middle ranges), but does not concede that Sherpas can be defined simply as the Tibetan-descended inhabitants of Solu, Khumbu or Pharak. What the author observed was a people of marked culture and social practice, who “stand out as... distinctive in their character, their civic sense”, separated from other groups by their “combination of a high standard of living, spirit of enterprise… social polish and general devotion to Buddhism.”
The core of Sherpa society is based on the clan, which acts as a social and ritual unit. Various other groups make up the population, mostly Tibetan immigrants in one form or another, from third generation to recent refugees to groups in which Sherpa clansmen have intermarried over the years. While none of the other social groups is equal in status to the clansmen, outside groups have been absorbed and assimilated remarkably easily, reflective of a culture accepting of difference and a society “for the greater part unstratified.” Two groups in particular, the Khamendeu Khambas and the Yemba (descendants of slaves) are afforded lower status, but no class of person is excluded from the social and spiritual life of the community. “The comparative ease with which members of neighbouring populations can be absorbed and assimilated recalls a similar flexibility of certain tribal societies which have remained untouched by the influence of Indian ideas of caste.”
Furer-Haimendorf found this sense of equality to exist not just between clans and social groupings, but in smaller social units too, including the family. Marital relationships are entered into freely between two equal partners, each of whom retains the right over the property he or she contributes. “The independent position of a Sherpa wife would be incompatible with the subservient role of a daughter-in-law in a Hindu joint family.” Between husband and wife, while there is a “very clear demarcation” between their respective spheres of activities, this distinction between their tasks and interests “does not involve any valuation.” Divorces were and remain freely attainable by either party and attitudes towards sexual exclusivity are relaxed. “Sherpas have never developed the feeling that there is any inherent merit in sexual exclusiveness. Just as husbands do not mind sharing their wife with a brother – or a wife sharing her husband with a co-wife – so they do not look upon extra-marital sex relations with the horror other societies have of adultery.”
The values of civic responsibility and equality, combined with a distaste for material wealth and power (considered admirable only in so far as they are used for religion or social projects), are reflected in the political organisation of Sherpa communities, characterised by autonomy from wider government and internal decentralisation. As Furer-Haimendorf observed: “The guiding principle for [village] government is that authority is vested in the totality of its inhabitants.” It is tradition that local officials are elected for limited period, usually one year, on rotation between villagers, and are guided on decisions by public gatherings. But the functions of officials are strictly circumscribed and “large spheres of social life lie outside the jurisdiction of these officials”, with most disputes left to private mediation. Indeed, "the inability – or unwillingness – of the village community as a whole to assume authority in dealing with such matters is one of the peculiar features of Sherpa social organisation”.
One clearly defining aspect of Sherpa culture identified by Furer-Haimendorf is the people’s religious devotion. The Mahayana branch of Buddhism practised in Tibet is of central importance to the Sherpa, who typically sees great social and spiritual merit in religious practice, financial support of lamas, monasteries and temples. “It would seem”, the author notes, “that among the Sherpas, as among Tibetan Buddhists, the religious impulse is so strong that any margin of resources left after essential needs have been met is largely devoted to religious purposes.” Although Buddhism has been well established in Khumbu for at least 350 years, the foundation of monasteries and nunneries and construction of temples took place in the late 19th and early 20th century. Furer-Haimendorf argues that this was driven by the extra time and resources available to the Sherpas by the introduction of the potato which, he claims, “revolutionised Sherpa economics” by enabling the highlands to support larger communities and permitting a greater number of people not engaged in food production to devote their time almost entirely to religion.
The most visible hallmark of this religious tradition lies in the ritualistic nature of Sherpa culture, a theme touched on in a previous review. The author goes into extraordinary depth on the subject, painting an elaborate picture of social and religious ceremonies and rites, while relating the acts to social function and meaning. Among the more amusing details, he spends two pages listing out some of the objects usually placed on the altar at major rites such as chilhapso (for protection of the village), including the three cups made of human skulls containing the mera offerings of beer and blood. In noting the good humour of the Sherpas, he goes on to describe how “invariably there are numerous pauses in the proceedings where lamas are served tea, beer and food... with light-hearted conversation and even the most ribald jokes”, recalling one ceremony during which an 80-year old lama entertained in the intervals with stories of his youth. “No one thought it odd or shocking when he related the most intimate details of a love affair with the mother of another lama who was participating in the service”, all of which talk was considered “neither irreverent nor in bad taste”.
Despite its importance, religion and morality are relatively distinct spheres in Sherpa culture. Sherpas believe every act of virtue (gewa) adds to an individual’s store of merit (sonam), whereas every morally negative action or sin (digba) decreases this store. Good and bad deeds make their marks on a person’s record. Yet, unlike the object of socially approved conduct in the ideologies of many other societies, “there is no promise of well-being and prosperity in this life as the result of sonam-gaining actions, but the promise of bliss or release in the world beyond.” This should not be confused with a belief in a personal deity to whom man is responsible. “Sin is not seen as an act which offends any particular deity, but as an offence against a moral order existing independently of any of the gods whom the Sherpas worship.” Indeed, irreligiousness itself is not inherently sinful; it is viewed rather as foregoing an opportunity of acquiring sonam rather than as a breach of the moral code.
By contrast to many Western and Asian societies, religion is a moderating force and there is a pragmatism to Sherpa morality which helps prevent extremism. Sins are tolerated and accepted as a part of life, so long as those who commit such sins make up for the loss of sonam by undertaking meritorious work. Further, and more fundamentally, the strong belief in reincarnation tempers society’s involvement in private conduct. Basic to the world view of the Sherpa is the notion of the individual as a free moral agent, responsible for his actions and capable of moulding his fate in the next life. “In a world where every action creates its own reward or retribution men need not feel emotionally involved in the rights and wrongs of their fellow men’s doings… Man’s morals are considered his own affair, and the Sherpa is more inclined to smile at his neighbour’s shortcomings than to condemn him publicly.”
This general tolerance towards others, combined with a strong sense of civic responsibility, renowned hospitality and courtesy, help make up a distinctive character to which most foreign visitors have immediately warmed. The Sherpas did not come to mountaineering; climbers came to them, and not because they were the only highlanders available. "It is not accidental", Furer-Haimendorf notes, "that Sherpas have become the trusted guides and companions of innumerable foreign mountaineers”. In understanding this, we see the distinction between Sherpa (the people) and sherpa (the guide).
While maintaining the objectivity of a serious anthropologist and often pointing out the inconsistent, unremarkable and unattractive features of Sherpa life, nevertheless the author’s admiration for this people shines through. That no general anthropological study on the Sherpas of importance has been published since 1964 is testament to the depth and integrity of his work, evidenced by the voluminous and meticulously detailed fieldwork papers available at SOAS in London. This is a fine record of a remarkable people whom the Everest Test team is proud to support.
Rating: 4 out of 5
The Sherpas are not an easily identifiable group to foreigners, evidenced by the historic use of the term (sometimes capitalised) in a generic sense to refer to Nepalese mountain guides and porters. This usage is confusing, both because mountaineering is not and has never been a defining feature of the Sherpa people and because in recent years guides on Everest and surrounding peaks have increasingly been comprised of non-Sherpas (often Tamang, Gurung, Chettri or Magar). In terms of identifying the Sherpa people, Furer-Haimendorf notes that the Sherpas are “largely indistinguishable on clear ethnic lines” from the Tibetan-speaking people of Eastern Nepal and the Bhotias (the Tibetan-Nepalese people of the Kathmandu valley and middle ranges), but does not concede that Sherpas can be defined simply as the Tibetan-descended inhabitants of Solu, Khumbu or Pharak. What the author observed was a people of marked culture and social practice, who “stand out as... distinctive in their character, their civic sense”, separated from other groups by their “combination of a high standard of living, spirit of enterprise… social polish and general devotion to Buddhism.”
The core of Sherpa society is based on the clan, which acts as a social and ritual unit. Various other groups make up the population, mostly Tibetan immigrants in one form or another, from third generation to recent refugees to groups in which Sherpa clansmen have intermarried over the years. While none of the other social groups is equal in status to the clansmen, outside groups have been absorbed and assimilated remarkably easily, reflective of a culture accepting of difference and a society “for the greater part unstratified.” Two groups in particular, the Khamendeu Khambas and the Yemba (descendants of slaves) are afforded lower status, but no class of person is excluded from the social and spiritual life of the community. “The comparative ease with which members of neighbouring populations can be absorbed and assimilated recalls a similar flexibility of certain tribal societies which have remained untouched by the influence of Indian ideas of caste.”
Furer-Haimendorf found this sense of equality to exist not just between clans and social groupings, but in smaller social units too, including the family. Marital relationships are entered into freely between two equal partners, each of whom retains the right over the property he or she contributes. “The independent position of a Sherpa wife would be incompatible with the subservient role of a daughter-in-law in a Hindu joint family.” Between husband and wife, while there is a “very clear demarcation” between their respective spheres of activities, this distinction between their tasks and interests “does not involve any valuation.” Divorces were and remain freely attainable by either party and attitudes towards sexual exclusivity are relaxed. “Sherpas have never developed the feeling that there is any inherent merit in sexual exclusiveness. Just as husbands do not mind sharing their wife with a brother – or a wife sharing her husband with a co-wife – so they do not look upon extra-marital sex relations with the horror other societies have of adultery.”
The values of civic responsibility and equality, combined with a distaste for material wealth and power (considered admirable only in so far as they are used for religion or social projects), are reflected in the political organisation of Sherpa communities, characterised by autonomy from wider government and internal decentralisation. As Furer-Haimendorf observed: “The guiding principle for [village] government is that authority is vested in the totality of its inhabitants.” It is tradition that local officials are elected for limited period, usually one year, on rotation between villagers, and are guided on decisions by public gatherings. But the functions of officials are strictly circumscribed and “large spheres of social life lie outside the jurisdiction of these officials”, with most disputes left to private mediation. Indeed, "the inability – or unwillingness – of the village community as a whole to assume authority in dealing with such matters is one of the peculiar features of Sherpa social organisation”.
One clearly defining aspect of Sherpa culture identified by Furer-Haimendorf is the people’s religious devotion. The Mahayana branch of Buddhism practised in Tibet is of central importance to the Sherpa, who typically sees great social and spiritual merit in religious practice, financial support of lamas, monasteries and temples. “It would seem”, the author notes, “that among the Sherpas, as among Tibetan Buddhists, the religious impulse is so strong that any margin of resources left after essential needs have been met is largely devoted to religious purposes.” Although Buddhism has been well established in Khumbu for at least 350 years, the foundation of monasteries and nunneries and construction of temples took place in the late 19th and early 20th century. Furer-Haimendorf argues that this was driven by the extra time and resources available to the Sherpas by the introduction of the potato which, he claims, “revolutionised Sherpa economics” by enabling the highlands to support larger communities and permitting a greater number of people not engaged in food production to devote their time almost entirely to religion.
The most visible hallmark of this religious tradition lies in the ritualistic nature of Sherpa culture, a theme touched on in a previous review. The author goes into extraordinary depth on the subject, painting an elaborate picture of social and religious ceremonies and rites, while relating the acts to social function and meaning. Among the more amusing details, he spends two pages listing out some of the objects usually placed on the altar at major rites such as chilhapso (for protection of the village), including the three cups made of human skulls containing the mera offerings of beer and blood. In noting the good humour of the Sherpas, he goes on to describe how “invariably there are numerous pauses in the proceedings where lamas are served tea, beer and food... with light-hearted conversation and even the most ribald jokes”, recalling one ceremony during which an 80-year old lama entertained in the intervals with stories of his youth. “No one thought it odd or shocking when he related the most intimate details of a love affair with the mother of another lama who was participating in the service”, all of which talk was considered “neither irreverent nor in bad taste”.
Despite its importance, religion and morality are relatively distinct spheres in Sherpa culture. Sherpas believe every act of virtue (gewa) adds to an individual’s store of merit (sonam), whereas every morally negative action or sin (digba) decreases this store. Good and bad deeds make their marks on a person’s record. Yet, unlike the object of socially approved conduct in the ideologies of many other societies, “there is no promise of well-being and prosperity in this life as the result of sonam-gaining actions, but the promise of bliss or release in the world beyond.” This should not be confused with a belief in a personal deity to whom man is responsible. “Sin is not seen as an act which offends any particular deity, but as an offence against a moral order existing independently of any of the gods whom the Sherpas worship.” Indeed, irreligiousness itself is not inherently sinful; it is viewed rather as foregoing an opportunity of acquiring sonam rather than as a breach of the moral code.
By contrast to many Western and Asian societies, religion is a moderating force and there is a pragmatism to Sherpa morality which helps prevent extremism. Sins are tolerated and accepted as a part of life, so long as those who commit such sins make up for the loss of sonam by undertaking meritorious work. Further, and more fundamentally, the strong belief in reincarnation tempers society’s involvement in private conduct. Basic to the world view of the Sherpa is the notion of the individual as a free moral agent, responsible for his actions and capable of moulding his fate in the next life. “In a world where every action creates its own reward or retribution men need not feel emotionally involved in the rights and wrongs of their fellow men’s doings… Man’s morals are considered his own affair, and the Sherpa is more inclined to smile at his neighbour’s shortcomings than to condemn him publicly.”
This general tolerance towards others, combined with a strong sense of civic responsibility, renowned hospitality and courtesy, help make up a distinctive character to which most foreign visitors have immediately warmed. The Sherpas did not come to mountaineering; climbers came to them, and not because they were the only highlanders available. "It is not accidental", Furer-Haimendorf notes, "that Sherpas have become the trusted guides and companions of innumerable foreign mountaineers”. In understanding this, we see the distinction between Sherpa (the people) and sherpa (the guide).
While maintaining the objectivity of a serious anthropologist and often pointing out the inconsistent, unremarkable and unattractive features of Sherpa life, nevertheless the author’s admiration for this people shines through. That no general anthropological study on the Sherpas of importance has been published since 1964 is testament to the depth and integrity of his work, evidenced by the voluminous and meticulously detailed fieldwork papers available at SOAS in London. This is a fine record of a remarkable people whom the Everest Test team is proud to support.
Rating: 4 out of 5
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